The AU of the Heads of States vs the AU of the People
Mandate to Reform the African Union
The 27th African Union Summit in Kigali closed with a commitment to fast track initiatives designed to make the African Union Commission (AUC) financially independent.
African Heads of State also tasked President Paul Kagame to lead a new effort to reform the AU Commission and the Union to make them more efficient.
Welcoming the task, President Kagame said: “I think this is a clear-cut task that has been handed to us and as foot soldiers of our continent we can’t run away from responsibilities, we will be able to do that within our abilities and based on consultations with the Heads of State and Government.” However, the task that President Kagame has committed to is all but an easy one.
Predecessor of the AU, the OAU was expected to serve as an instrument or mechanism for forging unity and solidarity among African states. It was also expected to advance cooperation among countries in order to enhance and promote economic development, improve the quality of life of all Africans, encourage and make possible the peaceful settlement of disputes whilst advancing democracy. Unable to overcome numerous challenges, the OAU, otherwise commonly nicknamed “The Club” was dissolved in 2002 and replaced by the African Union, with a charter supposed to address the weaknesses of the OAU, whilst carrying on its major goals. Mwangi S. Kimeny (2016) reported, “Unfortunately, the AU seems to have inherited the OAU’s approach to the performance of its functions as evidenced by the failure of the organization to effectively and timely spearhead the peaceful resolution of destructive conflicts in South Sudan, the Central African Republic and Mali”.
For a number of years now, the AU has been subjected to wide criticism for its inertia, lack of inspiration, authority and weak leadership. The Ebola crisis in West Africa in 2015 and more recently the situation where, in several countries, outgoing Heads of States have manipulated national constitutions in order to extend their stay in power, causing political regression and throwing their countries into near chaos, came to comfort the public distrust towards the continental body’s ability to deliver on its mandates. To make the matter worse the AU has been debilitated by the deep financial crisis caused by the lack of financial contribution by Members States to an Organization surviving on the generosity of foreign Partners. This is compounded by an inadequate management and accountability of resources.
The call for a Reform
Reforming the AU had been an obvious conclusion that Member States had arrived at a decade ago. However, the task is all but a pleasure trip as successive Chairpersons found out. Former President Alpha Oumar Konare of Mali (2003 – 2008) attempting to assert himself in his role only managed to anger his previous fellows. Rumor even has it that he was called to order by his host reminding him that he was no longer a Head of State but an employee. Konare’s successor Jean Ping of Gabon (2008-2012) learning his lesson, did little on the Reform Agenda.
The results of a commissioned consultancy on the AUC reform remained locked in the drawers amidst rumors that drastic proposals would have risen the ire of Members States.
More recently, the current incumbent, South-African Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, elected on the expectation and the promises to deliver the long awaited reform of the Commission, has not been able to lead a similar process any far, as her initiative remained stalled by the AU oversight bodies.
Questions that President Kagame would no doubt have asked himself before committing his precious time to a Reform of the AU are the following: ……
Engaging young people in politics is critical to the safeguarding and strengthening of democracy worldwide. With an estimated 1.2 billion people aged 15–24 on the planet, justice and democratic legitimacy demand more than a token youth presence in parliament. People between the ages of 20 and 44 make up 57 per cent of the world’s voting age population but only 26 per cent of the world’s MPs. In addition, the presence of young people in political positions can change attitudes, eroding stereotypes about readiness or fitness to lead, while also encouraging young people to see politics as an arena open to their participation.
Youth applicants between the ages of 18-35 are welcome to participate.
Applicants should submit a 300-word abstract on the theme “Youth in political decision-making in Africa” by 27 February 2017.
Shortlisted applicants will be contacted for a preliminary training and assessment session on 13 March. Applicants located outside Addis Ababa, Ethiopia will be interviewed via Skype.
The organizers will announce the teams on 20 March and preparations for the debate will be held on 21 March.
The final debate will be held on 31 March in Addis Ababa (location TBD).
After the preliminary training and assessment session on 13 March, each team, consisting of three individuals, will answer two essay questions based on a set of thematic questions or a case study; one supporting the topic and the other against. Each team will be assigned to a supervisor who will support the team on basic structure and formatting. The teams will debate one side of the argument based on their submitted essays and through the use of other sources of information. The floor will then open for a Q&A session for further discussion and clarification. After examining the essays and verbal arguments, independent evaluators will grade each team and announce the final winner.
The winning team will have the opportunity to participate in the upcoming Tana High-Level Forum on Security in Africa on 22-23 April 2017 (Accommodation and flights to Bahir Dar, Ethiopia will be covered).
They will also have the opportunity to publish their essay in the upcoming AfSol (African Solutions) book series, IPSS website as well as other IPSS web platforms.
A certificate of participation on behalf of the IPSS Alumni Network will be given to all participants.
This weekend, Ethiopia will host the 5th Tana High-Level Forum on Security in Africa and here are 5 key things you should know about this policy dialogue:
Always franc and candid, the Tana High-level Forum on Security in Africa is at the forefront of initiating dialogue with the continent policy-makers and policy-influencers to exchange and debate on the continent’s peace and security challenges.
Tana is immersive. It marries the worlds of academia and research with real-world, real-time experience. In order to enlighten and educate, every Tana Forum is preceded by months of research on the year’s theme and culminates in an academic paper. The result? Action-oriented and policy-relevant discussion.
Over the past 3 years Tana High-Level Forum has attracted more high and mid-level attendees of any event of its kind on the continent. Under our “baobab”, the continent’s thought leaders not only talk to each other but with each other.
Did we mention that the annual Forum takes places in paradise? The beautiful of Bahir Dar hosts the participants every year on the shores of Lake Tana. We like to think that Tana is part of our DNA. “I’m very Happy to be given the opportunity to contribute to this Forum’s tradition of robust intellectual debate”Carlos Lopes, UN-Under Secretary and Executive Secretary of UNECAsaid.
Tana is streamed from various platforms, including Facebook, Twitter, Flickr, Youtube and the bilingual website: www.tanaforum.org
In the youthful continent, Africa, unemployment is but one of the main challenges that are facing low-income countries and the struggle over the past 10 years has been of making policies for enabling environment towards more employment and jobs generation. According to Makhtar Diop, the World Bank Vice-President for Africa, “today, jobs and opportunity for young people are consistently at the top of the development agenda in virtually every African country and beyond simple unemployment, Africa is challenged to address underemployment: in the absence of adequate social safety nets, young people are compelled to take low-productivity, low-wage jobs for their very survival”. Policy-makers have to do something to prevent this.
Last January, African Union Heads of States and governments gathered once again in the frame of their bi-annual Assembly meeting in Addis Ababa to take serious decisions as usual. As it means of decisions making, one of the declarations that happened to be the 6th (maybe in priority order) is on “EMPLOYMENT, POVERTY ERADICATION and INCLUSIVE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA”. In fact, a special summit (Ouaga+10) was scheduled to hold in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso in September 2014 as a review and assessment of the 2004 Ouagadougou Declaration on Youth Employment as well as subsequent instruments for its implementation. (Read my article on Ouaga+10 here). As this scheduled summit has failed, surely for logistical reasons and the political situation that finally ejected President Compaore from his former office, the African Union Heads of States have decided instead to incorporate that declaration into the whole bunch of the AU 24th Summit decisions, declarations and resolutions.
On the format, one would have a good reason to not believe that other AU member States have failed to express goodwill in taking leadership for organizing that Ouaga+10. Should we then conclude that African Leaders are not taking Youth issues seriously? Shouldn’t we just think AU Leaders are pushing an agenda of scaling up crisis situations due to economic injustice over the continent? How can we just expect a serious issue like the Youth unemployment being undermined and overlooked such way?
Nonetheless, the declaration has stressed a sort of progressive approach in assessing countries in their efforts to youth employment creation/generation as they accepted to find ways to “INCLUDE employment creation, social protection and social security, social inclusion and poverty eradication as indicators in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and in the RECs’ Macroeconomic Convergence Frameworks;” (What a good news indeed!) That means that progress in political, economic and social governance by African countries will be evaluated through the number, quality of the policies that enhance or enable more quality jobs for youth and women, people with disabilities and people with special needs. That implies that enormous and qualitative progress should also be made in ” EFFECT(ing) reforms at national, regional and continental levels to address structural constraints in view of improving governance, in particular fighting against corruption, improving the TVET Systems, and accelerating creation of sustainable enterprises,” (Commitment number 1 of this declaration). Overall, the declaration has met some of my views on ” What can be done to accelerate youth employment in Africa” and one can merely be satisfied. Alike, African Youth should take this declaration to the next level by (1) raising more awareness about it, (2) setting few checks as tools in other to (3) hold governments accountable of it.
Abstracts of the declaration read :
DECLARATION ON EMPLOYMENT, POVERTY ERADICATION, INCLUSIVE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA (Doc. Assembly/AU/20(XXIV))
Recallingall relevant declarations, decisions and policy guidelines that we adopted in the area of poverty eradication and political and socio-economic development since 2004 in particular instruments such as the Migration Policy Framework for Africa (2006), the Social Policy Framework for Africa (2008), the Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development Policy – PCRD (2006); the African Youth Decade Plan of Action, 2009-2018, the African Women Decade 2010-2020,; the African Charter on Statistics, the Productivity Agenda for Africa (2010), the Yaoundé Declaration on Social Protection (2010), the Social Protection Plan for the Informal Economy and Rural Workers-SPIREWORK (2011), the Malabo Declaration on Creating employment for Accelerating Youth Development and Empowerment (2011), the Action Plan for Industrial Development in Africa (AIDA), the Labour Market Information Harmonization and Coordination Framework (2012);
Recognizingthat the last two decades Africa experienced sustainable and high growth rates that did not translate into proportionate job creation, thereby contributing to significantly reduce unemployment, underemployment and poverty;
Acknowledging that high political engagement in some countries complemented by increased commitment of international partners, Social Partners and other Non-State Actors, has yielded significant progress in the implementation of the 2004 Ouagadougou Agenda, while Recognizing the imperative to scale up the political leadership and commitment;
Notingwith Concern the very high level of structural underemployment associated with limited social protection coverage, low productivity and income generating capacity and poor occupational health and safety conditions which affect particularly women and youth in the informal economy and rural sectors, and the most vulnerable groups, people living with HIV&AIDS and persons with disabilities.;
…..DO HEREBY SOLEMNLY:
1.RE-AFFIRM our determination to place employment creation as an explicit and central objective of our economic and social policies at national, regional and continental levels, with a view to improving the living conditions of our people;
2.RE-AFFIRM our determination to reduce unemployment in our countries, in particular of Youth and Women, by at least two (2%) percent annually over the next decade; and also to halve the huge underemployment rate over the next decade;
3.RE-AFFIRM our willingness to speed up transitioning of the informal economy to the formal economy and promote decent work in all economic activities sectors;
4.REAFFIRM our determination to step up our regional cooperation for smooth labour migration in the continent, including through effective implementation of our treaties, charters, protocols and other relevant policy instruments in view of free movement of people and workers while combatting its negative impact on human trafficking; WE FURTHER REAFFIRM our resolution to enhance our cooperation with other regions of the world for better and more responsible management of labour migration flows for mutual development benefits while emphasizing the importance of adequate protection of the rights of migrant workers and their families;
5.FINALLY RE-AFFIRM our determination to end with the challenge of high levels of unemployment, underemployment and poverty, in particular among the youth and women, over the next decade, through a speedy, measurable and well-resourced implementation of the following Key Priority Areas:
Political Leadership, Accountability and Good governance;
Youth and Women Employment;
Social Protection and Productivity for Sustainable and Inclusive Growth;
Well-functioning and inclusive Labour Market Institutions;
Labour Migration and Regional Economic Integration;
Partnership and Resource Mobilization.
TO THIS END WE COMMIT TO:
6.EFFECT reforms at national, regional and continental levels to address structural constraints in view of improving governance, in particular fighting against corruption, improving the TVET Systems, and accelerating creation of sustainable enterprises,
7. TAKE urgent measures to improve the level of growth inclusiveness, productivity and competitiveness of our economies, targeting the SMEs, Micro Enterprises in the Informal Economy, the rural sector;
8. ENHANCE AND DEVELOP labour market institutions governance; AND EMPOWER local collectivities to actively participate in local development, including local entrepreneurship;
9. IMPLEMENT the relevant African and international instruments to protect all people in their relation to the labour market; and ENSURE equal opportunities and employment conditions for all, particularly the vulnerable and marginalized groups;
10. FACILITATEeffective and productive labour migration, free movement of workers to promote regional economic integration and cooperation;
11. INCREASEsignificantly and appropriately the budgetary resources allocated to employment policies financing and put employment among our development priorities with international partners in the true spirit of the Paris Declaration and Accra Call for Action;
12. IMPLEMENT the commitments in the present Declaration, its Plan of Action and Follow-Up Mechanisms, as well as ADOPT for implementation: (a) the Labour Migration Governance for Development and Integration; (b) and the Public-Private Partnerships Framework for Jobs Creation and Inclusive Development annexed herewith;
TO THIS EFFECT WE:
SHALL INCLUDE employment creation, social protection and social security, social inclusion and poverty eradication as indicators in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and in the RECs’ Macroeconomic Convergence Frameworks;
Moreover, with the adoption of both the Common Africa Position (CAP) on the Post-2015 Development Agenda and the N’Djamena Declaration on the CAP, African leaders do reaffirm their adherence to a global proposed goal of promoting “sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment, and decent work for all” (SDG #8); – Of course, the Post-2015 agenda and new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) create an opportunity to re-energise and re-focus efforts to eradicate poverty in Africa. African leaders have therefore openly expressed their dedication to “accelerated, stable and sustained inclusive economic growth that: creates decent and productive employment that rapidly reduces inequality; nurtures sustainable social protection programmes; facilitates economic diversification; strengthens resilience to external shocks; and fosters rapid inclusive, resilient and sustainable socio-economic development leading to eradication of poverty” as prerequisite to secure inclusive growth that reduces inequality. And this is a fundamental and important step to realizing the Agenda 2063 Vision, with regards to the dream, conviction and bold ambition to having “Youth unemployment eliminated” on the continent by 2063.
In conclusion, obviously and theoretically, the basis of a prosperous, integrated and peaceful Africa we want and that we all wish for, are laid. The remaining part will definitely be the implementation of the above-mentioned instruments for the good of young people on the continent. So the next question will be how much are we ready to help implement these provisions in our capacities? Definitely, one of the strategy would ask for ownership, partnership and alignment of our respective organizations to one another, and to governments/continental bodies in a systemic approach, in the frame of shared values.
The African Union (AU) is an intergovernmental organization of African countries with its headquarter in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It was established in 2002 after its predecessor Organization of African Unity (OAU) was dissolved. It consists of 54 members African Nations except Morocco.
The African Union predecessor OAU was formed in 1963 by 37 African Nations also at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia with the broad mission to decolonize African nations, to address all massive poverty, to address the inequality of education and health-care, and to promote international cooperation and coordinate members’ economic, diplomacy, and etc.
Sadly, the OAU had shortly become incompetent entity of organization in solving conflicts among African Nations and not accomplishing its mission because the organizational leaders were invested with corruptions and also its leaders were mainly discorded from the welfare of common Africans.
The Rwanda’s genocide was one of the memorable horror that the OAU truly failed to respond swiftly to the massacre of Rwandans when it was clearly happening under its nose of the organization. From early April to July, the members of Hutu ethnic majority indiscriminately murdered with machete as many as 800,000 (1) men, women, and children which mostly were minority ethnic of Tutsi. In early of July, the minority Tutsi-under the umbrella of Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF)-gained control of the country by military offensive.
Unfortunately, the RPF victory created 2 million more refugee (mainly Hutus) from Rwanda, exacerbating what had already become a full blown humanitarian crisis.(1) In 1994, during the Rwandan genocide, Kofi Annan was directing the United Nation Peace-Keeping Operations and Susan Rice served as an Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs during Bill Clinton’s second term as president. In 2001, Kofi Annan and United Nations were jointly awarded with the Noble Peace Prize “for their work for a better organized and more peaceful world.”(3) And during Obama administration Susan Rice was promoted to ambassador to United Nations. Unbelievable!
According to The Heritage Foundation,” Since the establishment of the African Union (AU) in 2002, the United States has provided millions in taxpayer dollars to support the organization and its activities. Regrettably, the AU makes it impossible to determine the success of this effort. The AU does not publish an annual report on its activities, make its budget publicly available, or conduct audits or other independent evaluation of its work or activities.
The lack of transparency and accountability in the AU compares dismally with the practices of other international organizations that receive American funding, which are themselves often criticized for inadequate standards. U.S. ambivalence toward the AU’s opacity is at odds with the well-established U.S. policy of maximizing transparency in international organizations receiving U.S. funding. Congress should make U.S. contributions to the African Union contingent on the AU’s immediate adoption of practices to improve transparency and accountability.” (4). Very interesting!
The vision of the African Union is that of: “An integrated Prosperous and Peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in global arena.”(2) Since the inception of the organization, has it accomplished and sustained and rendered any ‘vision of peace’ in the Horn of Africa? Instead of rendering any peace in the Africa, the organization truly failed to tackle the ongoing conflicts and unprecedented humanitarian crisis toll in Somalia and Ethiopia that are currently hovering on the region Horn of Africa.
The Horn of Africa environs have been an incubator for crisis and inflecting substantial figures of humans’ suffering for several decades and with no vigorous remedies for the tumultuous regions on the horizon.
Has African Union been like an ostrich with its head in the stand for Africa’s conflicts? For example,
SOMALIA: In Oct. of 1969, the Somalian army seized the power after the President Abdi Rashid Ali Shermarke was assassinated. Subsequently, Maj. General Mohammed Siad Barre became as the President of Somalia. In 1997, the president engaged in the war to liberate the Ogadian regions from Ethiopia. The president fled the country in late of Jan. of 1991 after suffering heavy causalities in his army. Since the aftermath of 1991, Somalia has fallen into lawless lands in which variety of clan of warlords have ruled.
According to the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), “More than 4 million Somalis, almost half the country’s population, require humanitarian assistance, including food, water, vaccinations, and health care, and 3 million of those are in conflict zones and difficult-to-reach areas. With an estimated 1.46 million displaced in Somalia, Mogadishu alone has become the site of over 300 internally displaced person (IDP) camps”.(5)
Certainly, the vast majority of Somalis have been victimized by the chronic lawlessness in which no cohesive central government for engaging in constructive role to sustain the safeguard of the welfare of Somalis. Unfortunately, the people of Somalian have an aspirational endeavor to craft their own destiny in which to have a land of peace and prosperity.
The African Union and International Communities (IC) have neither engaged in active role nor constructive role in solving the crisis in Somalia. Instead the AU and IC have deliberately closed their eyes and ears on the humanity of Somalis when the hoodlum of Woyena’s (TPLF) regime of Ethiopia has continuously been an instrumental institution of causing permanent havoc and inflecting unprecedented horror on the lives of women, children, and elderly in Somalia.
Does the AU, as an African’s Institution, has an obligation to safeguard the Somalian humanity and to render the ‘Laws & Orders’ in the land of Somalia? If the AU could not safeguard its Somalian citizens of Africa from the inhumane TPLF regime than who?
OGADEN: Roughly the century of 19th, the Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II had annexed the region of Ogaden. In 1977, the President of Somalia Siad Barre waged a war with Ethiopia to free Ogaden. According to Africa Faith and Justice Network (AFJN), “A low intensity conflict is simmering in the Horn of Africa. Hundreds of thousands are displaced following the burning of their homes and the destruction of villages. Livestock and other possessions are being confiscated. Brutal sexual and gender-based abuses are a prevalent tool of warfare.
Even worse, cold-blooded murder is widespread with horrific public executions. No, this is not Darfur. These systematic atrocities are taking place in the Ogaden, which is located in the Somali region of eastern Ethiopia.” (6) Where was the AU when the Ogaden citizens were being subjected to gross violation of human rights?
ERITREA: In April of 1993, overwhelmingly the Eritreans have voted for referendum in which was supported by the Ethiopian Government. Unfortunately, the hoodlum of Woyena’s regime of Ethiopia suddenly changed of its heart when Eritrea was becoming a nation of peaceful and prosperity; the regime shortly decided to invade Eritrea under bogus allegation of boarder dispute to validate their illegitimate invasion.
From 1998 to 2000, the hoodlum Woyena’s regime engaged in the consecutive wars with Eritrea that heavy casualties of young men Ethiopians were sent as human-wave to be slaughter in foreigner lands of Eritrea. Shortly, the hoodlum of TPLF regime came into realization that capturing Eritrea was futile efforts to continue by any conventional war doctrine. In December of 2000, the hoodlum of TPLF regime of Ethiopia signed a peace agreement with Eritrea at Algiers, Algeria (Algiers Agreement). Both Eritrea and Ethiopia government had agreed for independent investigation of boarders conflicts.
The independent investigation was called Ethiopian-Eritrean Boundary Commission (EEBC) which was spearhead by the Secretary General of Organization African Unity (OAU) under the umbrella of Secretary General of United Nations. In 2003, the EEBC issue final border ruling, but the hoodlum of Woyen’s regime rejected the EEBC decision and demanded for the International Court to alter its decision. Until now, hoodlum Woyen’s regime of Ethiopia has occupied Eritrean sovereignty contrary to International Court decision.
The hoodlum of Woyena’s regime has continuously waged sporadic wars against peaceful Eritrean government and its citizens who are residing on the verge of borders between Eritrea and Ethiopia.
Does the AU has a mandate on African nation respecting the integrity of another nations’ sovereignty? So, why are the hoodlum of Woyena’s regime should be exempt from the ‘Laws & Orders’ in which are recognized and enforced by International Courts and Developed Countries?
ETHIOPIA: The Ethiopian TPLF police massacred young, women, and elderly Ethiopians in a daylight during the 2005 election. The peaceful Ethiopians were being slaughter down by the indiscriminately bullets spray because they were exercising their self-determination rights on the foul election result by the hoodlum of Woyena’s regime. The massacre of innocent Ethiopians had taken in the place which was close proximity to the AU headquarter building.
The AU could have immediately halt the TPLF police from massacring the peaceful demonstrators but instead it choice to turn its back from the Ethiopian people. Indeed, despicable act!
Although bloodthirsty Menigstu Hail Mariam, who was the Communistic President of Ethiopia from 1974 to 1987, was considered to be butcher-leader to his people and to Eritreans by any standard, but at least he respected the magnificent and historical lands of Ethiopia.
However, the hoodlum of Woyena’s regime has continuously been selling colossal of hectares lands of Ethiopia in which are the home for many indigenous tribes of Ethiopia. According to Genocide Watch, “In the remote western region of Gambella, tens of thousands of people have been forcibly relocated from their land. In 2010, the Ethiopian government initiated a villagisation program.
The program intended to group scattered farming communities into small villages, with the aim of changing their lifestyles, and providing better access to food, education and health. However, the government’s plans are far from reaching these goals; the Ethiopian government has forcibly relocated approximately 70,000 people from their land with the intention to lease the land for foreign and domestic investment.
There have been numerous reports of human rights violations. Many of the new villages where people are being relocated have inadequate food and lack healthcare and educational facilities. The Ethiopian government’s villagisation program has been extremely detrimental to the livelihoods of the people of Gambella. The government’s failure to provide food assistance has caused endemic hunger and cases of starvation.
In addition, those who have resisted relocating are repeatedly assaulted and arbitrarily arrested. Through this program, the Ethiopian government is planning on relocating 1.5 million people by 2013 from the following regions: Gambella, Afar, Somali, and Benishangul Ghumuz.” (7) Again, silent of inhumane violations of many indigenous tribes who are evacuated from their ancestral lands by hoodlum of Woyena’s regime to satiate their hunger of wealth.
Truly, and unbelievable that genocide of indigenous tribes merely is happening under the nose of AU headquarters. Where is AU….?
Eldridge Cleaver, said “What we’re saying today is that you’re either part of the solution or you’re part of the problem” The AU has merely become a part of everlasting problem for Africa because the organization has become incompetent institution as its predecessor in responding swiftly to the Horn of Africa crisis and also other parts of Africa’s crisis.
Therefore, the Ethiopian citizens must question the virtue of AU headquarter existence in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. If the successor AU would not engaged in constructive and active role in solving African’s crisis but instead it’s going to be corrupted and simple act as an ostrich; then as whole, African citizens and International Communities must find a vigorous remedy for the pervasive coma of status-African Union.
Certainly, the citizens of Africa should not be subject to a novelty of format in which it constituted a ‘Vertical Neo-Colonialism of Fabrics’ and which is going to be enforced by AU.Truly, the Horn of Africa citizens, Eritrea and Ethiopia and Somalia, are aspired and strived to live in a peaceful and prosperity environs but not subjected to the hoodlum of Woyena’s regime in which it has manifested itself into merely fragmentary thugs with elegant-suits in the Horn of Africa.
After a thorough study of the document, the general concern we had with my peers was the implementation of the African Youth Charter so to reach allyoung people across the country.
If the African Youth Charter is going to be implemented, it should reachall the youth across the country. Information sessions hould be held inprovinces so to reach out to the broader majority, and allow for the majority to get a clear picture of what the document is about, and express their thought and feelings regarding it.
For the better well-being of the youth in the country, this charter, shouldenforce the right to a better education, as stipulated in the document. More emphasis should be put on “better” education, information material accessibility for all young people within the country. This comes from alearner who attended a public school that had (still has) a shortage of subjects, particularly mathematics and sciences.
The LGBT community (lesbians, gays) face difficult challenges as they aremostly marginalized and alienated from the societies merely because of their sexuality.
I understand that the Youth Charter promotes freedom from all sorts of discrimination. However it will take more than this to address this (LGBT) issue.
I believe each country that is in support of LGBT relationships should promote awareness against homosexuality and push the community towards accepting and eventually respecting diversity of race, gender and sexuality.
Application Deadline: JUNE 5th 2014 for International delegates & June 21st for delegates from Southern Africa (Mozambique, South Africa, Lesotho, Zambia, Namibia, Bostwana, Angola, Zimbabwe, Malawi)
Zayrah Africa, Development Agency, is officially inviting you to attend the Second African Youth Charter Summit. The African Youth Charter is the most comprehensive policy framework to empower African Youth. As of today, 36 out of the 54 countries have ratified ( Check the updated list of countries here ) and its ratification, domestication and implementation are still sucking.
Zayrah Africa, Development Agency, has committed itself in pushing the AU’s continental Youth agenda by advocating for and inform its work by the African Youth Charter. There comes the African Youth Charter Summit. Last year, Youth came from 14 countries gathered in Tanzania and for the first summit and many personal commitments has payed off, as Kenya is having one of the most successful case study in youth empowerment, with aid of youth organizations such as Change Mind Change Future,whose leaders were present at the AYCS 2013.
AYCS 2014 Objectives:
Exploring the political and economic structures of the African Union
Providing better understanding of the contours of the elaboration, provisions and the implication of the existence of the African Youth Charter,
Engaging discussion on the responsibilities inflicted to them by the charter,
Providing exposure to youth on relevant information on the economic and political landscapes of Africa,
Developing upon the delegates (new) leadership skills that can break ground for the ratification or the better implementation of the African Youth Charter,
Obtaining strong commitment from and young people to popularize the AYC and alignment of delegates’ their organizational policies with the African Youth Charter,
Strengthening personal and working networks among African Youth to flourish brainstorming with each other on ideas that can make partnerships and networking relationships fruitful and sharing opportunities about the charter for better implementation.
AYCS 2014 theme: “Understanding the Economic and Political Landscape of Africa”
Who can attend the AYCS 2014?
AYCS 2014 expects to host Youth from all African countries and including those in the Diaspora, with the following profile:
Individual change agents in community development work,
Youth activists, advocates or scholars,
Young professionals in private and governmental structures,
Youth-friendly organizations representatives,
African Union (Youth Division) officials,
African Union Structures/organs,
Regionals bodies and organizations, such as SADC, Southern African Trust, etc.